Oriented on making people closer

From terminology to subjectivity

Discussions about how to correctly call the region, Central Asia or Middle Asia, have been going on for decades and to this day excite the minds of researchers, experts and historians. These terms are not just geographical markers, but a reflection of historical eras, political accents and ideological preferences. Some emphasize the "middleness", others "centrality", some see in this a reflection of the hegemonic view from the outside, and some an attempt at self-realization of the region as a separate force. Perhaps, disputes about where the "center" is and where the "periphery" is are best left to those who are sincerely devoted to geophilosophy and an academic passion for conceptual purity.

In the realities of modern geopolitics, Central Asia and Middle Asia are equal synonyms. Like an astronomer and an astronaut, whose work is connected with the study of the same space, but is carried out from different positions and methodologies, the terms "Middle Asia" and "Central Asia" reflect different traditions of understanding the region, without diminishing its integral essence. This means that it is not so much the term that is important, but the ability of the region to speak and act independently and in a coordinated manner, occupying an increasingly prominent place in world politics and economics.

Indeed, Central Asia, now widely present in the lexicon of the political, diplomatic and media environment, is experiencing its own geopolitical renaissance. Gone are the stereotypes of the region as a "springboard of interests of external powers" or a "field for the Great Game". Today, five states - Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan - act as independent and sovereign subjects of international relations.

Evolution of the CA5+1: from meetings to summits

The increasingly popular CA5+1 format, whether with the US, EU, China, India, Japan, the Republic of Korea or the Arab Gulf states, has become a flexible tool for building a pragmatic multilateral dialogue. It gives Central Asian countries the opportunity to maneuver, protecting national interests, and at the same time, to integrate into global processes on a mutually beneficial basis.

The starting point for a series of meetings in the CA5+1 format is considered to be August 2004. Then, the first meeting of the heads and representatives of the foreign policy departments of the Central Asian countries and Japan took place in Astana. Chaired by Japanese Foreign Minister Ms. Yoriko Kawaguchi and titled “Central Asia + Japan Dialogue/Foreign Ministers’ Meeting – Japan-Central Asia Relations Enter a New Era,” the meeting set a new tone for the format: minimum protocol – maximum substantive projects.

The launch of new dialogue platforms was not long in coming. Thus, in November 2007, a meeting of foreign ministers in the “CA5 + Republic of Korea” format was held in Seoul, marking the expansion of cooperation horizons. And eight years later, in November 2015, already in Samarkand, the heads of foreign affairs agencies gathered for the first time in the “CA5 + USA” format, which became an important milestone in strengthening the region's relations with Washington.

The success of the first platforms in the “CA5+1” format became a signal for other global players. In 2020, China joined the format, proposing regular ministerial meetings. Two years later, the China-Central Asia Digital Summit, dedicated to the 30th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations was held. But it was May 2023 that became a real milestone: the first face-to-face “Central Asia – China” summit was held in the ancient city of Xi'an with the participation of the Chairman of the PRC and the heads of all five states of the region.

It is noteworthy that in 2020, an online meeting was also held in the India-Central Asia format, with another rapidly developing power in South Asia, which has one of the largest economies in the world and a rapidly growing population.

Flexibility as the basis for success

The most important difference between this platform and allied or supranational models is the rejection of rigid institutionality. There are secretariats, but no permanent headquarters; there are obligations, but no imposed standards. This frees the dialogue from inertia and political rituals. The countries of the region agree based on real interests, and not on the logic of “politics for the sake of politics”.

For example, in 2022, the Central Asian + US Secretariat (C5+1) was established, which coordinates priorities, working groups, and events. Its activities resulted in a landmark event - the first summit of Central Asian and US leaders, held in September 2023 in New York.

In 2024, the Central Asian – China Secretariat was opened in Xi'an as a confirmation of the desire of all parties to give cooperation a long-term, flexible institutional form. Result: already in June 2025, the second summit was held in Astana, where a large package of documents was signed, including the Astana Declaration and the Treaty on Eternal Good-Neighborliness and Cooperation between China and all states of the region. Within the framework of the summit, more than 12 sectoral agreements were concluded - from "green" subsoil use to agreements on sister cities, emphasizing not only the economic, but also the humanitarian dimension of the partnership.

The European Union has not stood aside; on the contrary, it is responding with scale. Since 2022, the Central Asian-EU format has reached the level of heads of state: first in Astana, then in 2023 in Cholpon-Ata, and in 2025 in Samarkand. The Europeans have launched the flagship initiative, the EU Global Gateway, allocating 10 billion euros to develop transport connectivity (including the Trans-Caspian Corridor), digitalization, environmental transformation, and localization of critical mineral supply chains.

Individual EU member states are also seeking to interact within this platform. Germany held the first summit with the Central Asian states in September 2023 in Berlin, and in 2024 the meeting was held in Astana. The focus is on technology, raw material processing, the green agenda, and training according to German standards. Italy joined in May 2025, prioritizing renewable energy, agro-industrial complex, critical infrastructure and support for small businesses – again with an emphasis on the connection with the Global Gateway initiative.

There are also the formats “CA + France”, “CA + Iran” and “CA + Turkey”. There is also “Central Asia + Russia”, created several years ago. The first summit “Central Asia – Russia” took place in October 2022 in Astana. The second summit of this format is currently being prepared, which will take place in the foreseeable future.

Geoeconomic center of gravity

Central Asia is the only macro-region in the world that consists entirely of landlocked developing countries: 400 million hectares of territory, 81 million residents (by 2050, the population will reach 100 million). Almost 100% literacy and close to 100% digital competence of young people make Central Asia an ideal platform for IT outsourcing, e-commerce and innovation clusters. But in addition to human capital, the resources of the 21st century are concentrated here: natural gas, oil, uranium, rare earth metals, strategic waterways.

In addition to possessing rich natural resources, Central Asia acts as a strategic link between Europe, Asia and the Middle East. This unique geographic location makes the region key to the revival of the historical Silk Road, whether within the framework of China's Belt and Road Initiative or alternative projects such as the EU-supported TRACECA.

However, Central Asia is much more than just a transit hub or a storehouse of natural resources. It is a region with a deep history, where mighty empires arose, world religions spread, and unique cultural traditions were formed.

As a result, it is not surprising that a young population, a growing middle class, a powerful resource base, and a rich civilizational heritage are turning Central Asia into a real magnet for investment, where more and more global partners are striving to take the role of that very “+1”.

The “CA5+” format has proven its worth as a pragmatic and flexible model of international interaction. It allows the Central Asian countries to speak to the world with a single, but not unified voice, to set the agenda without giving up sovereignty, and to choose partners without being locked into alliances. In the context of a changing world order, this form of dialogue is becoming not an exception, but a prototype of future diplomacy – sustainable, flexible, and focused on specific results.

Jumadurdy POTJIMOV

Photo: orient.tm